PEASANTS AGAINST PRIMITIVE NAZIST ACCUMULATION

In the first week of May 2020, Chinese soldiers delivered a major blow to the Hindu Nazist dream of Akhand Bharat by occupying parts of Ladakh. The construction of Hindu Rashtra was already derailed, first by the No NRC movement created by Mamata Didi, and later by the biopolitical agency of another Chinese force called Corona viruses. As diehard decisionists, Nazists didn’t rollback their grand projects when confronted with setbacks. When Modi realised that he was a crawling Führer of a crawling country, he decided to go to the basics, to create a self-reliant, mighty country.

On 12th May 2020, barely a week after the humiliating Chinese military aggression, Modi announced his new decisionist mission, named in high sounding Sanskrit, Atmanirbhar Bharat. Self-reliant India means two things for Modi, rapid industrial development and conversion of economic power into military might so that India can sustain a two-front war. Atmanirbhar Bharat is a nickname for constructing a Nazist war machinery and creating the economic conditions for it.

But, where will the capital come from?

Stalin was in a similar dilemma in 1930s. He feared a combined Western invasion, and multi front war involving Japan too. He wanted Soviet Union to industrialise quickly, and construct a mighty Soviet war machine. He too wanted an Atmanirbhar Soviet Union. But where will the capital come from?

Stalin went for what the Soviets termed as ‘primitive socialist accumulation’, a policy of extracting surplus from peasants and transferring it to urban manufacturing centers in order to accelerate the transformation of Soviet Union as a socialist superpower (repeating English primitive accumulation in a decade). To create a mighty socialist state, he had to kill the ‘peasant capitalism of the countryside’, along with millions of ‘kulaks’ and discipline the urban proletariat into bonded labour, punishment included gulag for worker absenteeism (also, minimum wage was introduced in Soviet Union only after the death of Stalin).

To make India a super power, Modi too has to do in a decade what English primitive accumulation did in centuries. So he came up with the plan of Atmanirbhar Bharat, a comprehensive political programme for primitive Nazist accumulation. First, he abolished the entire labour legal regime of independent India and made labour de jure bonded again. Next, he wanted to repeat exactly what Stalin did. Expropriate the peasant capitalists of the Indian countryside and initiate a great surplus transfer to the urban manufacturing centers.

Ambani and Adani are willing partners to it, but Modi isn’t doing it for them. Modi is doing it for Hindu Rashtra/Akhand Bharat. As long as the agrarian surplus remains in the hands of rural peasant capitalists, Modi can’t tax it. Modi is not a socialist to directly appropriate it. He is a national socialist, he can tax the industrialists and corporate capitalists, like Hitler too did (Hitler imposed 30% plus taxes on German industry to create a new German war machine from scratch).

But India is still India, it is neither Stalin’s Soviet Union nor Hitler’s Germany. India is still an electoral democracy, and India, crucially, has more democracy in nonelectoral politics than electoral politics.

You can buy elections. You can’t buy nonelectoral politics. By monopolizing electoral fortunes, Modi compelled the opposition forces to mobilise in nonelectoral politics. When anti-farm laws for primitive Nazist accumulation was announced, the Sikh peasant capitalists of Punjab countryside had no other way than claiming their space in nonelectoral politics. When they protested, Modi tried to punish the enitre state by imposing his Punjab blockade. Naturally, the Sikhs came for Delhi.

Modi thought he could use the bjp government in Haryana to trap the Sikh peasants in Haryana. Interstate, interreligious caste solidarity of Jats foiled that plan too, leading to an unprecedented nonelectoral mobilisation of Shudras in Western UP and Rajasthan as well.

Still, the regime had a tactical advantage as long as the peasants were barricaded around Sultan Modi’s Republic of Delhi borders. On 26th January, on the 72nd Republic Day, farmers from across India will enter Delhi under the leadership of Jat peasants of the erstwhile Greater Punjab, marching on their tractors. At least, a quarter of the armed forces of the Union are the children of these Jat peasants, Nazists know it. It matters.

By fighting the primitive Nazist accumulation, the Shudra peasants will likely prevent their own expropriation as a class at the hands of enemies of humanity: and, more importantly, they have become an unconscious tool for stopping the construction of Hindu Nazist war machine too.

That’s why it is simultaneously a movement for peace, land and bread.

Once the peasants are in Delhi, it is either collective redemption or collective ruin. Nazists rarely allow for a middle ground.

Postscript

Once the peasants entered Delhi, breaking the police barricades, the government lost its tactical advantage. Nothing could stop the peasant anger from erupting. It even engulfed the Red Fort, much to the bewilderment of Delhi liberals. They immediately became ‘men of order’, and forgot instantly about the violence the regime inflicted on the protesters from the day they began resisting. The liberals, ranging from Rahul Gandhi to Yogendra Yadav are the first to betray the antifascist spirit of the movement. Liberals want order when people ask for justice.

This is first time in history we are seeing a revolutionary uprising in a fascist society while fascists still have state power. It was impossible until today, but the impossible happened today.

Raiot

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Mathew Kuriakose Written by:

Mathew Kuriakose teaches politics and is currently based in Kolkata.

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