Often accounts that appear as ‘small’ like strawberry in comparison to the ‘big’ stories of development such as dams sit uncomfortably in the grand scheme of intellectual pursuits. We feel that it is precisely such distinctions that lead to erasure of ‘small’ developments that stem from what appears as trivial initiatives. Social sciences is often attracted to big stories where there is comprehensive literature and research materials. Thereby, reinforcing dominant epistemological frameworks. After all, development models of centre-periphery in relation to studying Northeast India reduce everything else as marginal. Unless relationships and networks are incorporated into the development, remoteness, and progress model for the region, our research risks being dismissed.
It has now become a truism of modern secular historiography on India that there was an ‘early’ Savarkar and a ‘late’ Savarkar (much in the same way as intellectuals refer to early and late Marx!), and that the early Savarkar was secular, humanist, and a nationalist revolutionary who, only in his later years became the theoretician of Hindutva. His nationalist, secular credentials are based on his activities in Europe and his escape from a ship mid-sea, and more and more frequently now on his book, First War of National Independence, 1857’, written by him in 1907. That we happen to be celebrating the 150th anniversary of 1857 will doubtless add to Savarkar’s glory, particularly as it is easy to prove that the Indian National Congress to begin with, did not uphold 1857.
The first time I took a cab to Hitkari House in Mumbai’s Fort area, it was a cloudy July evening, with the promise of rain. Already the city was thinning out, as people left their workplaces, in the city’s south, for home. My first impressions weren’t very promising.
Ki don bun kum ma nga kiba la kha bun bnai hadien ba la plie ia ka Jylla Meghalaya ha ka 21 January 1972. Ngam shym kynmaw ban kylli na i mei (bam kwai ha dwar u Blei), kaei kaba i sngew ne pyrkhat shaphang ka Jylla ba pura. Nga wan na ka longїing kaba don ha trai jong ka kyrdan pdeng ha ka imlang sahlang (Lower middleclass) bad ngam artatien ba i mei bad i pa ki dap da ka jingkmen namar ba ki la їoh ban treikam Sorkar, wat la ka long ha ki kyrdan ba rit, hynrei ki sngewskhem ba ka jingim jong ngi ki khun ka la shngaiῆ bad kim don jingartatien ba kin lah ban bsa, ban pynheh pynsan bad phah shong skul ia ngi.
U Blei Janus u dei uwei na ki blei jong ki nongshong shnong jong ka Nongbah Rome hyndai bad u dei u ‘Lei ar khlieh, kawei ka khlieh ka phai shadien bad kawei pat ka peit shakhmat. Ka dur jong u Blei Janus ka long thik kumba la batai ba u don ki khmat na shadien bad na shakhmat bad katkum ka jingngeit ka long ba ki khmat kiba na shadien ki peit ia ka mynnor bad kiba shakhmat pat ki їohi ia ka lawei. Ha u Blei Janus ka mynnor ka bteng sha ka lawei, ka lawei kan ym lah їeng khlem ka mynnor bad ka mynnor ruh kam don jingmut khlem ka lawei. U Blei Janus u dei u Blei uba kongsan ha ka nongbah Rom namar ba u kdew bad pun lynti hapdeng ka mynnor bad ka lawei bad ha ka kti kamon u bat ia u diengduh bad kdew ia ki nongїaid lynti ba kin їaid ha ka lynti kaba beit.
Mary and Joseph, the parents of Jesus were Palestinians whose land was under the foreign Roman Empire and were considered second class citizens with no rights. During the birth of Jesus, the Roman Government was highly exploitative and heavy taxes were levied on the subjects, especially on unorganized laborers like the fisher folks, masons and daily wage earners. The Government Officials, including the Jews et al, in Palestine would care less about the wellbeing of the “aam admi” or common people, rather they were self-centered and only served the need and greed of the Roman Rulers in order to promote and protect their own powers, positions and interests.
Ha kine ki ar tyli ki snem, kata ka snem 2020 bad 2021 ki la long ki por kiba eh ban pyrkhat shaphang ka jingkmen. Ka khlam covid19 ka la pynkordit bad pynsuhjer ia ka jingim bad kan dang shim por slem ba ngin khyllie pat ia ka jingim la ha ka liang ka їoh ka kot, ka їohkam їohjam, ka koit ka khiah, ka pule-dangle bad kumta ter ter.
Ka 10 tarik u December ka dei ka International Human Rights Day ne ka Sngi kynmaw ia ka Hok Longbriew Manbriew satlak ka pyrthei. Ha kane ka jingthoh ngin їa kdew bad їatai na ka phang jong ka Jingngeit, ka Theology bad ka Baibl jong ka niam Khristan.
Indian armed forces ambushed and killed 17 coal miners in Nagaland Mon’s district. An official report stated the killings as a case of mistaken identity during a counter-insurgency operation. The Home Minister of India, Mr. Amit Shah described it as an unfortunate incident, while the Chief Minister of Nagaland offered his condolences to the bereaved families and assured justice according to the law of the land. What do the inhumane extra judicial killings of civilians followed by apologies tell us about the state of India democracy?
Baibl Sunday ka їalyngkhuh bad ka World Aids Day ha kajuh ka sngi. Ha ka World AIDS Day ngi pynkynmaw їalade ba ngi dang dei ban їakhun tyngeh pyrshah ia u khῆiang jingpang HIV bad AIDS. Ki Sorkar ne ki seng bymdei Sorkar ki pynlong ia ki jingїalang bad ai jinghikai ia ki briew shaphang ka jingpang AIDs ne ῆiangkulia.
To ngin ring dur ba ka Kper Eden ka dei kawei ka Hima/Ri/Jylla kaba donkam ban synshar, ban bishar bad ban pynїaid ia ki kam ki jam, ka trei ka ktah, khaїi-pateng bad ka imlang-sahlang. Katkum ka Kitab Jenesis 1:26-28 bad 2:15, u Blei u la buh ia “u briew” ban long sordar ne nongsynshar halor ka Kper Eden. Ka kyntien “u briew” hangne ka thew ia ki kynthei bad shynrang.
Ka Khun kynthei! ka Khun kynthei!
Baroh ki ia Risa.
Kane Kein, ka nong pynroi pynpar.
Kan bteng ia u ‘sai syngkai.
mat Lah kut ! kane kaba khatduh.
Ki Ong ia ka ‘ phi dei ka Syiem’
Hynrei ka Syiem kaba rangli.
Kane ka jingthoh kam dei ka jingai sakhi lymne ka jingphla, hynrei ka dei tang ka jingїathuh ia kiei kiba shat phalang san snem mynshuwa.
Ka jingpang bam pong ne cancer ka dei ka jingpang kaba pynsuhjer. Hoid, wat la ka jingkynthah dak (stigma) halor kane ka jingpang ka la kham duna ha kane ka juk, pynban ka dang sah hi kum ka jingpang kaba shyrkhei bad kaba lynshop tyngeh ia ka jingim, ka їing ka sem bad ka jingdon jingem.
“Ka Baibl ba nga ieit.” Ha ka Bri Hynῆiewtrep ia ka Sunday School la ju tip kum ka Skul Pynpaw bad ka sngi U Trai…
Ka khwan shimet ka dei ka jingim kaba pyrkhat tang їalade lane ban bit ban biang tang shimet ne shi їing lane kumba ju ong ka kyntien “tangba ba la lait ka tdong lajong kam lei lei lada kiwei ki jynjar ki suhsat bad ki kordit ka jingim”. Shisien ha kawei ka por u Kain u jubab ia u Blei kumne- “…Hato dei ma nga u ban sumar ia u para jong nga?” (Jenesis 4:9). Da kane ka jubab u Kain u kyntait ia ka kamram bad jingkitkhlieh ban peit bad kitkhlieh lang na ka bynta ka bha ka miat jong u para ne u kur u jait ne u paramarjan. Kumjuh ka khana shaphang u Iso bad u Jakob ha ka kitab Jenesis 25:27-33, ka pynkynmaw ia ka longbriew kaba khwan bad kaba khmih tang ia ka myntoi shimet. U Iso u die duh ia ki hok jong u kum u khun nyngkong tang na ka bynta ban pynhun ia ka jingkhwah bad jingjrah ia ka “syrwa saw” (Jenesis 25:30) bad u Jakob ruh um don ka jingїatiplem kat haduh ban shim kabu ia ka jingthngan bad ka jingsliang jong u Iso bad phah smai ia u Iso ba un ai noh ha u ia ki hok baroh (Jenesis 25:33).
On the night of the twenty-third of October I was woken up by a rather agitated message which read: “I hear that Modi is meeting the Pope…It legitimises what is being done to minorities – Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs, and Dalits and women.” “The Holy Father should not meet him” a second message continued. These messages were referring to Prime Minister Modi’s now confirmed meeting with the Pope in Rome on the thirtieth of October, prior to the former’s participation at the G-20 meet in the same city.
Indian Constitution, one of the most sensitive in the world to the rights of its minorities, ensures that tribal communities in Northeast states like Nagaland and Mizoram are the sole owners of their land and resources. No act of the Indian Parliament can undo this right. There are however two ways in which that right can be undone: Their own State Assembly can pass legislation abdicating this right. The other alternative is communities or individual land owners can be persuaded to voluntarily sell or hand over their land to government, private companies or corporations for projects that come in the name of their ‘development’.
Ha kawei pat ka liang ka niam Khristan ruh ka hikai ba ka mynsiem ka long kaba kordor bad dei u Blei uba pyrsad mynsiem ym tang ha ki khun bynriew hynrei ha ka pyrthei-mariang baroh kawei. Ka jingpyrsad mynsiem ka wan na u Blei bad ha ka Kitab Jenesis 1:2 ngi pule- “…bad u Mysiem u Blei u khih halor ki um”. Kumjuh ruh ha ka kitab Esekiel, la їathuhkhana kumno ba u Blei u pyrsad mynsiem bad pynim biang ia ki shyieng kiba tyrkhong bad kiba їap (Esekiel 37). Ka Baibl bad ka jinghikai shong tynrai ka Balang Khristan ka kdew da kaba shai ba u Blei u ai ka jingim, ka mynsiem ha ki briew bad ki jingthaw jingpynlong baroh. Ka jingim, ka mynsiem kaba u Blei u ai ka long kaba kordor, kaba remdor bad ym don tyngka pliah, ym don spah, ym don kyrdan bad ym don bor ha ka pyrthei kaba lah ban їapeiῆ lymne ban ia pynleit-iapynwan bad ka. Ka jingim, ka mysiem ka long kaba kordor tam ha ka pyrthei bad ka Hima u Blei.
“Kumta U Trai u kylli ia u (Moses), “Aiu me bat ha la ka kti” (Eksodus 4:2)
Kane harum ka dei ka kyrwoh ba pura kaba la pynmih da ka TUR ha ka 13 Risaw 2021
Issue of Punjabi Line / Them Iew Mawlong / Sweepers Line / Them Metor has been a political football for Meghalaya’s politician for the last three decades. Situated in the commercial heart of Shillong, on the border of Municipal and Traditional Shillong, Punjabi Line has seen it all.
Traffic had snarled up a little before Rainawari and, as I turned my head up I sighted the flag. A 100-ft high Tricolour that had been hoisted just the day before atop Hari Parbat, the hill that dominates many parts of the Srinagar skyline.
After learning that the broker Jokhim had arranged a “signal clear” for the transport of six bulls across the India-Bangladesh border, the cattle transporter Alibaba had no time to speak to anyone. Indian border commanders who had accepted Jokhim’s bribes had verbally granted a signal, which Jokhim relayed to Alibaba by rushing to his house. A signal clear comprises a precious two-to-three-hour window of opportunity during which Indian cattle workers such as Alibaba can cross the border to Bangladesh with their animals.“Signal clear,” Alibaba said to me, tying his cotton gamosa (towel) around his head as protection against the heat and the rain.
sociologists, historians, geographers, and other scholars of South Asia who write in response to the anthropologist Saiba Varma’s research on “entanglements between medicine and violence in…the world’s most densely militarized place”.
When I began reading anthropological literature I felt uneasy and troubled by the way in which it was written. It was greatly problematic and I stated to think how one should do it differently. One of the problems with tribal studies is the concept itself and how tribes are looked at in a colonial social structure. The idea of a tribe was represented as primitive, savages and inferior beings which continues even today. Anthropologists did try to do away with this idea but still categorised tribes as a type of society which has very little division of labour, absence of complexities and reading and writing. Anthropology looked at the kind of transformation taking place as if they are becoming peasants, caste or socially heterogeneous. In that whole process the erosion of identity occurred.
Lada ngi pyrkhat ba ka Baibl kam don jingїadei bad kiei kiei kiba jia ha ka jingim hangne ha pyrthei, kata te ngi la lait sharud. Lada ngi pyrkhat ba ka Baibl ka dei ka Kot Bakhuid kaba thoh tang na ka bynta ka jingim ba kynja mynsiem bad tang na ka bynta ka jingim sha Bneng bad kam don jingїasnoh bad ka jingim hangne ha pyrthei, kata ruh ka la bakla.
Lah ban shem ia kitei ki kyntien ha ka Jingrwai Salm 33:12. Ka kyntien Suk sngew kumba ka jem ban sngewthuh, hynrei kam long kumta. Katba ka kyntien Jaitbynriew ha kane ka dkhot ka thew ia ka Jaitbynriew Jiw ne Israel. Ngi pule ruh shaphang ka Jaitbynriew Jiw ne Israel ha kiwei pat ki kitab jong ka Baibl.
kajih bad ka їoh ka kot, marwei shimet nga bang ban pule bad puson ia ka kitab Jingpynpaw. Ka Jingpynpaw ka dei ka kitab kaba dap da ki dur pharshi kum u dak jingkheiῆ 666, u Їakjakor bad u mradkhlaw kiba sngewtieng ban pyrkhat.
U Babu Wilson Reade u la khlad ha ka 9 tarik September 1971 bad mynta ka sngi ka dei ka lyngkhuh sngi їap kaba sanphew (50) jong une u riewkhraw uba la noh synῆiang shikatdei ha ki jylli jong ka pule-puthi bad synshar khadar.
A lot of people have been calling me since yesterday to understand the Western Uttar Pradesh churning, specially in the context of Mahapanchayat at Muzaffarnagar on Fifth September. Given the absolute paucity of time in my life nowadays, I may not be able to to write a very detailed note.
However, here are some very quick observations:
Lada ki samla ki pule ia ka kaiphot, kaba dang shu mih shen, jong ka Niti Ayog halor ki thong jong ki kam pynroi lane kita ki “Sustainable Development Goals” kiba dei ban pynurlong ha ki Jylla ka thaiῆ shatei lam mihngi, kin shem ba ka lawei ka long kaba duh jingkyrmen. Ka Niti Ayog ka dei ka tnat jong ka Sorkar India kaba la tip mynshuwa kum ka Planning Comission. Ka dei ka tnat pyrkhat kam kaba ha khlieh duh bad ka kamram jong ka ka long ban thaw bad saiῆdur ia ki kam pynroi ha ka Ri. Ki dkhot jong ka ki kynthup ia ki stad ki jhad bad ki proh jabieng, naduh ki stad saian, ki stad kot “economist”, ki riewstad ka їoh ka kot, ka khaїi-pateng bad kumta ter ter.
Kine ki kyntien na ka Baibl (Mathaїos 5:17-20) la ju pyndonkam ia ki ban pynksan ne pynїeng ia ka thymmei ne ka mynnor. Hoid ka mynnor ka dei ka thymmei, kumta ka mynta bad ka lawei kin ym lah ban їeng khlem ma ka. Tangba kam mut pat ba kiei kiei kiba la long ne leh ha ka mynnor ki dei ki aiῆ ne ki hukum kiba ym lah shuh ban pynkhih ne ban kynthoh ne wat ban pynkylla na ka bynta ka jingbha bad jingїaid shaphrang jong ka jingim briew. Ha kajuh ka por kam long ruh kaba dei ban kheiῆ dewthala ne kheiῆ synrum ia ka tynrai bad ki jinghikai kiba la їohpdiang pateng bad lada don ei ei da kumwei ka long ban pule, ban bishar bniah bad thew ia ki.
Gail Omvedt’s journey in politics and thought was undertaken in and through several historical conjunctures, but she retained aspects of all her stopovers: in her view, these various sites of sojourn, whether feminist, Marxist, Phule-Ambedkarism, were united in their vision of utopia: a world that ought to be rendered real, in times to come, but for which one needs to labour in the present. While reason and analysis were central to divining the nature of this world-to-be, it yet had to be desired, longed for, and in this passionate wanting, lay the potential for political comradeship. And this is where the struggle against caste and patriarchy came together: for it was in the remaking of caste and gendered selves that the promise of utopia stood to be redeemed.
Ym shym la don tang kawei ka jingїathuhkhana shaphang ka jingthaw ia ka pyrthei-mariang. Ha ka Baibl ruh ki don artylli ki jingїathuhkhana kiba їapher kawei na kawei pat (Jenesis 1 bad 2). Ki nongthoh komentari ki ong ba kine ki jingїathuhkhana ki dei kiba la lumthup na ki tyllong bapher bapher, kumta ki don ki jingїapher naduh ka rukom thoh ia ki jingїathuhkhana, ki kyntien ba la pyndonkam bad ki sker.
“Kano kano ka jingїaleh ka bym don ki solution ka shu long lehnoh ei bad ka pynswai ia ka met bad ka mynsiem”. Ka jingjia…
My father passed away almost 20 years ago but I remember him every day. I remember him as a loving and doting father, a jolly, generous, kind, often compulsive person, always ready to lend a helping hand to anyone in need. He would buy us gifts – clothes, toys and food whenever he felt like. I would always be so happy and glad just to be in his company.
He had many names and identities you might say. He was known by his Muslim name as Abrar Hussain, his nickname was Khuku and Johnky, his Christian name was Peter.
Uba i-don burom, uba don ka maiῆ ka muh, ka dei ka dur jong uwei u rangbah uba baroh ki ithuh khmat bad shait їohi barabor ha ki thaiῆ Mawkhar jong ka Nongbah Shillong ha ki snem 1932 haduh 1948. U dei u briew uba lieh ka sniehdoh bad uba pdeng ka rynїeng, uba jrong tmaiῆ bad u ju sngewtynnad ban phong pynsyiad da ki shinakut bad patlun jrong kiba syiad. Um ju pep ban deng tai, kup tupia bad rah ia u diengduh haba u їaid ha surok. Ki nongshong shnong jong ka shnong Mawkhar bad ki shnong ba marjan ki burom bha ia u bad u ju їarap ia ki briew da kaba sumar bad ai dawai ei. U dei u doctor uba sumar bad ai dawai homeopathy. U briew u bym ju bunktien bad haba u kren u da nang ban jied ia ki kyntien bad kren da thew.
“Balei ba ka hok bad jingshisha ki kylla kthang, ba ym lah ban shah ia ki jingїapher-jingїaprat jingmut, ia ki nia bad nongrim kiba їapher, ba ka hok ka don sha jngai? Ka hok bad ka jingshisha ki long kiba kthang ia kito kiba don ha ka bor bad burom, ka jingїapher- jingїaprat jingmut kam long kaba sngewtynnat ia katto katne ki riewheh riewhaiῆ kiba bat ia u lakam synshar bad ka jingbishar hok ka jngai bah na kiba duk, kiba tlotbor bad kiba shah їehnoh beiῆ. Ňiuma, ngi dei ban їai kren ia ka jingshisha, ngi dei ban pynneh ia ka jingїapher bad jingїaprat jingmut, ngi dei ban pynpoi ia ka hok bad ka bishar hok ha ki tyngkong їing jong kiba tlotbor bad kiba duk. Ngan ym sngap jar da lei lei ruh em.”
Border disputes among the states in the Northeast has become a recurring thing. To resolve it we must view it in its historical perspective and colonial legacy. We must also be sympathetic and considerate to all the sides affected by it.
Ha ka Gospel U Mathaїos la їathuh ba ki sngi bad ki їa kin wan ha kaba ki briew, “…kin їashetkylla iwei ia iwei pat bad kin isih iwei ia iwei pat. Haduh katta kan long ka jingsaphriang jong ka jingsniew ba ka jingieit jong ki briew kiba bun kan man khriat” (Mathaios 24:10-12).
What connects the murder of George Floyd by the police in Minneapolis to the imprisoning of Nodeep Kaur in New Delhi to the detaining of Ahed Tamimi by Israeli authorities to the house arrest of Syed Ali Shah Geelani in Kashmir? How do race, caste, policing and occupation interconnect across borders?
Almost all reviewers of Haseen Dillruba will concur that this is a heady tale of triangulated desire between three people — Rishabh Saxena aka Rishu (Vikrant Massey), the archetypal good-boy, loyal and dutiful husband; Rani Kashyap (Taapsee Pannu), the wife of Rishu, who is an avid consumer of erotic-crime thrillers and aspires to live a sexually adventurous and imaginative life that she regularly encounters in the pulp-fiction that she reads
“A! Blei Trai Kynrad ai bor ia nga ba ngan ym pyndem ne dem khohsiew hakhmat ki bor kiba runar”
You sir, are a plague to the northeast region.
Ki don bun ki jinghikai ba ngi lah ban їoh na ka Ryntieh bad ki Khnam. U Paulo Coelho u nongthoh kot ba donnam u ῆiew ia kita ki jinghikai ba ki dei ka lynti jong ka Ryntieh bad u Khnam ha ka kot jong u, The Archer. Ka Ryntieh bad ki Khnam ki dei ruh ka bynta jong ka kolshor bad dei-riti jong ka jaidbynriew Hynῆiewtrep. Ha ka Lynnong ba 14 jong ka kot, Pynїeng La ka Rasong, I Bah R.T Rymbai I pynpaw shynna ia ka dor bad ka bynta jong ka Ryntieh bad ki Khnam ha ka jingim jong ki khun Hynῆiewtrep.
A student trained in economics and political economy knows what to read on a reasonable and good budget. First, one needs to understand how best a government plans to use its resources and generate revenue. Secondly, what are the plans of the government for the expenditure of this revenue and resources? Thirdly, what are the long term projects and policies which can fundamentally infuse dynamism into the economy and general well-being of the people? Finally, if there is a gap between the government’s earnings and expenditure and which leads to borrowing, is the government in a position to pay back this loan in a reasonable manner.
Corona is both devastatingly resilient and deeply egalitarian. There is only one way out of this – beat it at its own game. We have to be more resilient and more egalitarian. More resilience will require more than vaccines; it will necessitate massive investment in healthcare where there is no paucity of drugs or oxygen or beds.
Ki don ki jingpynksan nia ba kam don jingmut ban їakren shaphang ka jinglaitluid bad jingpynkup bor ia ki kynthei ha ka Jaidbynriew bad ka Jylla kaba shim jait na ka kmie. Ki pynksan jur halor ka nongrim ba ki kynthei ki dei ki nongїohpateng, ki nongkhmih bad nongpynїaid ia ka spah-ka nongtymmen jong ka kur bad ka їing. Dei halor kane ba ki kynnoh katba mon ia ki kynthei bad tang pher wiak ki tei pop ha ki kynthei. Naduh ka poikha-poiman haduh ka pait їing pait sem ki pynkit ha ki kynthei.
In the piece “How Hindi helped to build a bridge to Manipur language and culture” published on 12th July in The Hindu, the author of the said article/Op Ed piece Kuldeep Kumar, attempts to make a case for the prominence and historical importance of the Hindi and Devanagari script in Manipuri history and literature. The piece however is littered with factual and historical inaccuracies and worse, an extremely selective and distortive history masquerading as profound discovery.