Lyngba ka RTI ngi la ioh ia ka list kaba don ia ki kyrteng jong ki nongtrei-nongbylla sngi kiba ka Sorkar ka kam ba ka lah dep ai ia ka song jingiarap bad jingkyrshan pisa kaba long Rs 2100 ( na ka bunta ki na ka bynta ki bnai ba don ka jingkhang dam ha ka sien ba nyngkong ka jinglynshop ka khlam Covid19 ha ka snem 2020.
Tag: Right to Information
#CoalMining #Meghalaya
“It is easy to see why coal interests in Meghalaya are so threatened by people like Agnes Kharshiing. They murdered P.N. Marbaniang, a policeman, simply for doing his job— how much more terrifying must it be to be confronted with someone with such a blazing sense of duty and such persistence? RTI activism is, by definition, a plodding enterprise. One soon learns the truth of the saying that the devil lies with the details, especially when the chasm between the law and the reality is so gaping it appears to be an abyss. The ladder across it is constructed laboriously, one patient enquiry after the next. The citizens’ report was built out of a dozen RTI petitions, filed by different people in different times and places and for different reasons. It was stitched together to offer the Supreme Court a complete account of the dilemma before it. In some ways, the court abdicated its responsibility when it ordered the state government to begin enforcing laws it has ignored for fifty years. This simplistic resolution prolonged the open season on mining that has prevailed since the original “ban,” and it has pushed the coal economy even further into the shadows.”
RTI request filed with Reserve Bank of India revealed that while the number of loan fraud cases in the 4 years of the Modi Govt. is already 700 more than the number under the UPA-II Govt., the amount involved has gone up by Rs. 56000 crore.
Meghalaya RTI Movement uncovered a large scam worth Rs. 9,26,36,105.80 in distribution of CGI sheet. What follows are the findings for you to read/download
RTI and the Land Question in Meghalaya
Autonomous District Councils are frequently blamed for failures of governance in Meghalaya. Their inefficiency, however, is a feature of the system rather than an anomaly. In seeking to preserve traditional institutions by transforming them, the Sixth Schedule only further entrenched the colonial paradox it inherited. The ADCs it invented—simultaneously accountable to everybody and responsible for nobody— were practically designed for endemic corruption and abuse. Sometimes, as in the case that opened this essay, the legal system works. The RTI infrastructure helps citizens uncover specific illegalities and then the judiciary provides a remedy. More often it does not, because structural inequity cannot be meaningfully addressed in this piecemeal fashion. The eternal liminality of the ADCs also indicates just how indebted our institutional imagination remains to condescending colonial assumptions about tribal peoples and the need to “gently assimilate” them into modernity. The Constituent Assembly’s recognition of indigenous sovereignty was a landmark moment in world history, but it was only half the task. It falls to us now to build institutions that can live up to that sweeping democratic vision.
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