We hope that instead of becoming a cage, the state legislative assembly becomes a wrestling ring for Akhil Gogoi, where he would be able to pin the rulers. We pin our hopes on him, and we wish him the best!
We need a government. Desperately. And we don’t have one. We are running out of air. We are dying. We don’t have systems in place to know what to do with help even when it’s on hand.
What can be done? Right here, right now?
We cannot wait till 2024.
Positioning beyond the opposition politics of Congress led front, do Akhil’s Raijor Dal carry the potential to herald a new era of politics in Assam? It is perhaps contingent upon several factors, the immediate of course rests on its electoral outcome but beyond, rests more on its ability to negotiate the structural contradictions that lay embedded in the politics of the Brahmaputra valley. Looking back at the KMSS, the organisation from which Raijor Dal was formed may generate interesting insights.
Ym don u briew ne ka briew ha ka pyrthei kiba kwah ban shah jop. Ha man la ki bynta jong ka jingim ngi kwah…
“Barabor U Blei u don ha ka liang jong ki riewpaidbah kiba shah ban beiῆ” Ka kitab Eksodus ka їathuhkhana shaphang ka kynhun jong ki mraw…
While I was still in school, the Oil India Limited conducted a survey in Rahmoria, following which they started digging out crude oil from Rahmoria. Just after a few years, it was shut down after protests by the people of Rahmaria. The people of Rahmoria were seeking for a permanent solution for river erosion. The state came digging for oil, but the decades-long problem of the area was not under its purview. Rather, as many local agitations would show, such ventures of resource extractions bring new risks and hazards. Callousness towards the local people and ecology is, indeed, inherent in the very model of extracting the resources. Sometimes the risks turn into disasters of unmanageable proportion. In the last decade, the fire in the Dikol oil field was one such disaster. The inferno that happened in Baghjan area – an ecologically very sensitive area, situated next to Dibru Saikhowa National Park – was even bigger than the inferno in Dikom oil field. I went to Baghjan the very next day of the incident, and several times thereafter. The village was reduced to ashes. The first thought that came into my mind was that the after-effects would linger on, as the state would shrug off its responsibility.
Ka jingshah sahnarphna bad ka jingmihpat u Jisu Khrist ki dei ki jingjia History kiba kordor ha ka pyrthei bad U Frank Macchia u kam kynti ba ka Jingmihpat u Jisu Khrist ka pynmynta ia ka jingkyrmen kaba mynhynnin. U Markos (16:12-13) bad u Lukas (24:13-35) ki їathuhkhana shaphang ka jingpynpaw jong u Jisu Khrist їalade hadien ba u la mihpat ha ki arngut ki synran, uwei na ki uba kyrteng u Kleopas, ha ka lynti sha ka shnong Emmaus.
The first record of any European having crossed the Khasi Hills from one valley to the other is that of the journey made in 1824 by David Scott, the Agent to the Governor-General on the North East Frontier with headquarters at Sylhet. In 1826 the Syiem of Nongkhlaw was persuaded by David Scott to allow the construction of a road across the Khasi Hills. In 1833 Cherrapunji was established as the headquarters of the hills districts. For the next twenty years all effort was concentrated on establishing communication between Cherra and Sylhet.
Ha ka sngi ba u Jisu u rung khatduh sha Jerusalem, ka Nongbah ka la khynwin bad ki paidbah babun, khamtam eh ki Jiw, ki la mutdur bad ngeit ba ka їa jong u Messaia ka la poi shisha bad une u nongpyllait im un jop thiaw ia ki nongshun da ka waitlam bad ka thma.
The nation is not a map
drawn on a piece of paper
so that even if an edge frays
the remaining parts stay intact;
and rivers, mountains, cities, villages
hold fast to their places
If this is not your belief,
Then I do not want to live
Ka jingrwai bad jingshad Jerusalema ka mih na ka khyndew jong ka Ri South Africa, ka dei ka jingrwai bad jingduwai jong u/ka nongrwai ba u Blei un ialam ia u/ka sha ka nongbah jong ka jingsuk. Katkum ka kotkhubor Vanguard, ka jingrwai Jerusalema ka ai mynsiem bad ai jingkyrmen khamtam eh ia ki nong Palestine ne ki Arab jong ka Palestine bad ha ka video kaba la ring ha ka kyntoit shnong kaba kyrteng ka Babal Majlies kaba don ha East Jerusalem, ki samla ki їashad ha ka sur jong kane jingrwai ryngkat ka rukom shad tynrai jong ki. Kaei kaba shon bad ktah eh ia ki nong Palestine ne Arab jong ka Palestine ka dei ki kyntien bad ka jingmut kiba don ha kane ka jingrwai. Ka jingrwai ka dei ka jingduwai ba u Blei un ai pat ia ka Nongbah jong ka jingsuk. Ha kajuh ka por ka dei ruh ka jingduwai ban ioh ka jingїada, ka jingїalam lynti bad ka jingkmen.
The documentary flows at walking speed. The grandness comes across in the sound of water and the people will take a viewer more than a few minutes to get accustomed to. Luckily, the music, the voices of the people and the cinematography help. Overall, this documentary is an example of a new kind of love (or devotion) that a new generation of people feels towards their planet. Let’s hope that the world listens.
Ngin plie ia ka khubor Good Friday ha kane ka por da ki kyntien na ka Gospel U Їoannis 11:49-50, “…u Kaїaphas uba la long u rangbah lyngdoh ha kata ka snem, u la ong. “A katno phi long kiba bieit! Hato phim sngewthuh ba ka kham bha ia phi ban shah ba uwei u briew un їap na ka bynta ka jaitbynriew, ban ia kaba ka jaitbynriew baroh kawei kan jot noh?”- Kane kam dei ka jingkren rhem mynsiem ieit jaitbynriew jong u Kaїaphas ne ba u їaroh ia u Jisu ba u long u riewshlur uba їap na ka bynta kiwei pat. Hynrei kane ka shat phalang ia ka seng pyrkhat kaba la pun hapoh u Kaїaphas bad ha ki dkhot jong ka Dorbar Sanhedrin kiba thrang dik dik ba u Jisu un їap noh bad ban pynkut noh ia ka jingim bad ki kam kiba khraw jong u.
#Writing #Fiction #AnuradhaKumar
“I was born in Odisha, a time when it was still called Orissa. My first novel, fifteen years ago, was set there. Since then, I have written two other novels set in that state in India’s east; one in a town whose name I disguised, while my most recent novel is set in a place I have known only through the black and white photos of my father’s albums.”
“Ka jingkheiῆ poh ia ki kynthei tang kum ki tiar ki tar ka dei ban kut noh bad ka imlang sahlang kam dei ban pdiang shuh ia kane”
Ka arphew saw tarik u Lber ka dei ka sngi kaba kyrpang kaba la tip kum ka International Day for the Right to Truthbad ka dei ruh ka lyngkhuh sngi їap jong u Bishop Oscar Romero. Kumta ngan pynkut ia kane ka puson da ki kyntien jong u Bishop Romero kiba ong-
“Їa U Blei ngi lah ban shem ha ki jaka bad ki khep ba don ka jingsynshar bad jingbishar hok bad ngi lah ruh ban їashem ia U ha ka lynti ka jingshisha”
“ With the Indo-Naga pervading every sphere of life, it had become difficult to think about anything independent of it. Everything had a political undertone.”
Hareswar Barman is currently a candidate from Raijor Dol from lower Assam constituency of Rangia. He has been an important political organizer in Assam for many decades, jumping into active political life since he was in school in standard eight. He has been a living part of dealing with the questions of community/class dialectic as it played out in Assam over time.
He has been associated earlier with the erstwhile URMCA (United Revolutionary Movement Council of Assam, formed with the initiative of CPI-ML-PCC Vaskar Nandy group), when the question of ethnic community assertion, autonomy, federalism, class-based mobilizations and so on, were particularly stark in the 1970s and 80s. Being part thus, he has principally opposed dominant Assamese subnationalism’s chauvinistic strains of the time. Later on, he has been one of the architects of the Abodo Suraksha Samiti (Committee for protection of non-Bodo communities), which wielded its own set of experiences. It is one of the healthy signs in the current political juncture in Assam, that is re-energizing experienced committed political organizers like Hareswar Barman to enter active politics again.
Ka aїom Lent ka dei ka por kaba ngi puson jylliew shaphang ka jingshah pynїap U Trai Jisu na ka daw ba u їeng pyrshah ia ka jingrunar jong ka pyrthei. Hoid, ka pyrthei-mariang kaba u Blei u la thaw ka long kaba bha, hynrei ka dap ruh da ki jingrunar bad ki pop kiba shyrkhei- kum ka tuh ka thiem bad ka bamsap, ka thok ka shukor, ka pynїap bad shohnoh briew. Ki briew ki khwan myntoi bad khamtam eh kiba don ha ka bor ne kyrdan (ym baroh), kim salia wat ban pynjot ne shim ia ka mynsiem briew tang ban biang la ka met. Ki khunbynriew ki їabeh sa tang ia ka spah ka thapbalieh bad ha ka jingїabeh spah ngi pynjot pathar ia ka mariang, ngi knieh jubor ia ka khyndew na ki trai ri bad ki nongrep, ngi pynkylla duk bad pynkylla phetwir ia ki million ngut ki para briew. Ngi thombor, ngi byrngem, ngi kyrdem ia kiba tlot bad ba lui lui. Nalor kine sa kiwei pat ki kam runar kiba jyllei, ka batbor, ka jinglehtohmet bad jingsloit ia ka longrynїeng ki kynthei bad ia ki khynnah, shynrang bad kynthei. Kine ki jia ha kane ka Jylla, ka Ri bad kylleng ka pyrthei.
Born Rosemary Kikon, in Kohima, Nagaland, rōzumarī saṃsāra’s poems are autobiographically inspired by being born and bred Naga in a woman headed and women only household
Katkum ka Baibl ki khun Israel ki ju kam ba ki dei ka Jaitbynriew kaba la jied kyrpang bad kumta ki mutdur bad kwah ban pynneh ia ka jingkhuid jong ka snam bad ki la pyrshang ban ym pynjaboh ne pynjngut ia ka da kaba khanglad ia ka jingshong kha khleh. Ym tang katta, ka la don ruh ka khep ba ki pyrshang da ka bor ban pynkhuid ia ka snam da kaba kyntait ne pynїap ia ki bym dei ki Jiw ne ki shiteng Jiw.
Kyrham was a professor of sociology at my alma mater, North Eastern Hill University (NEHU). The department was his second home. He had joined it as a young student in the 1980s, learning the mysteries, myths and methods of the discipline from an array of energetic scholars like Virginius Xaxa, M.N. Karna, A.C. Sinha, Nikhilesh Kumar and others. For him, the department epitomised cosmopolitanism and the free exchange of ideas among equals. He was enthusiastic about every pedagogic aspect that it undertook, first while it was located in the Nongthymmai campus and then when it moved to Umshing Mawkynroh where NEHU is currently located. The department reciprocated this affection and respect, awarding him with a PhD in 1990 and then inducting him as a member of the faculty soon after.
Ka kyntien “politic” hangne kam thew ia ki “party” їaleh elekshon ne kam mut tang ka jingїaleh elekshon, wat la kane ka long kaba kongsan ha ka synshar paidbah. Kam mut ruh ka jingїaleh “politic” ban їakhem umkhi ne kyllan umphniang ia ki pung kti jongno re lymne ka “politic” jyllud khohwah. Hynrei ka thong ka long ban ngam ha ka thwei jong ka spah snem ba nyngkong bad ban їathir-їatai bad sei madan ia ki nongrim ba ka Balang ne ka Kynhun Bathymmai ka їeng ha katei ka juk. Katba ka kyntien “economic” ka thew ia ka їoh ka kot bad ka kamai kajih.
Due to the historical traditions of peasant struggles in Punjab, in the current farmers’ revolt against agro-business capitalism articulated through three farms laws brought by Modi’s Hindu nationalist regime, the leaders of farmers organisations in Punjab played the leading role. It inspired first the Haryana peasantry and later the peasantry in UP, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan and other states to join the struggle. It is now progressing to become a country wide struggle going even beyond farmers. To understand the role leadership plays in any struggle, it is important to understand the significance of the concept of the ‘vanguard’. In every egalitarian movement, there is one sector which is the most advanced and provides leadership. This sector is the vanguard. It articulates the interests, aspirations and even emotions of other rebellious sections of society.
“Khela ekhono baki. The game is still on.”
Ka jingpyntreikam U Nero ia ka aiῆ ban shon shap da ki dak jingkheiῆ ia ki nongshong shnong ka їasyriem bad ka “panopticon” jong u Jeremy Bentham u stad pyrkhat ka spah snem ba khatphra. Ka kyntien “panopticon” ka wan na ka ktien “Panoptes” ki Grik hyndai.
Ka sngi lehkmen valentine ka snem 2021 ka hap ha ka Sngi U Blei. Ha kawei ka liang, ka long kaba sngewtynnat bad sngewdon jingmut namar ba ka Baibl ka hikai ba U Blei u long ka jingieit bad ka jingieit ka dei ka jinglong tynrai jong U. Ka jinghikai shongtynrai jong ki Balang Khristan ruh ka snoh rdin ha ki artylli ki hukum kiba khraw- ban ieit ia u Blei bad ban ieit ia u para marjan bad ki parabriew. Kawei ka hukum kam lah ban їeng khlem kawei pat bad kawei kam don jingmut khlem kawei pat.
Whenever someone talks about
the ‘national unity’ of the entire country
my heart wishes to
deflate their balloons of vanity
and tell them—
the meaning of Bharat
is not related to some Dushyanta*;
rather it lies in the fields
where food grows
and so do robbers.
“Їa ka thma na ka bynta ka jingieit ngi dei ban їakhun dohїap dohim haduh ban da jop” (Arundhati Roy)
While many raise apprehensions about Rakesh Tikait even now, and perhaps rightly so, I also appeal to the same set to be patient in the way they approach this situation. It’s a difficult time, and such churnings are crucial. The damage that BJP has done to India will take very long to amend. Sometimes even fraught with contradictions. Impulsive reactions won’t help anyone.
Many fault lines still exist in West UP. Unlike Punjab where militant Farmers Unions have been active for many decades, Haryana and even West UP (including BKU) rely on Khaps to mobilize farmers. Feudal attitudes will take time to break down. But the Mahapanchayat on the 29th was a sure, small but significant, step towards the democratization of that society.
Ngi lyngngoh ruh ba ka Sorkar India haduh mynta kam kren shai halor ka Inner Line Permit (ILP) kaba ïadei bad ka Jylla. Wat ka Sorkar Jylla ruh imat kam shai, ki seng saiñ hima ruh ki bym thikna bad kiba khih jingmut kumba khih u khah kat shaba beh ka lyer. Ka jingdawa ia ka ILP la ka long kaba dang myntoi ne kam myntoi shuh ka long kawei pat ka mat ban ïatai, hynrei ka dei ruh ka ishu kaba la pynkhie ia ka jingïakynad bad jingïaumsnam bad haba khie ka jingïashoh-ïadat ka wanrah ia ka jingshongsyier, ka jingsheptieng bad jingduh bakhraw ha baroh ki liang.
Perhaps here in this city where Ambedkar was literally blackmailed into signing the Poona Pact, and where Jotiba and Savitribai Phule did their revolutionary work we can give our struggle a name. Perhaps it should be the Satya Shodhak Resistance – SSR to the RSS.
The battle of Love against Hate. A battle for Love. It must be militantly waged and beautifully won.
“Text of Arundhati Roy’s speech at the Elgar Parishad 2021”
Once the peasants are in Delhi, it is either collective redemption or collective ruin. Nazists rarely allow for a middle ground…
This is first time in history we are seeing a revolutionary uprising in a fascist society while fascists still have state power. It was impossible until today, but the impossible happened today.
So, from the lazy Raioteers, another belated new year free gift for you to download. This time Samrat Ray and his nostalgic graphic world of ML05‘s celebrate the non Mall economy of Shillong. Harek Maal to Sohprew. So go ahead download the pdf and print.
Obviously we warn all those (except the hawkers and street vendors of Meghalaya), who want to profit out of this creative labour, we will find you and lock you up to be built in the Crowborough Hotel.
Ka Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, ka nongthoh kot ba paw nam ka kynthoh tyngeh halor ka jingma ban ngeit bad ïathuh tang kawei ka khana (The Danger of a Single Story). Kumta ha ka imlang sahlang ki mih ki jingïakynad bad jingïaumsnam lada kawei ka kynhun ka thom da ka bor halor kiwei lane ka kheiñ dewthala ia ka dei riti ne kolshor jong kiwei pat. Ha ka synshar khadar ruh ka mih ka jingeh bad lah ban khie ki thma lada kawei ka kynhun ne bor synshar ka pyntian ne pynngeit ne thep jubor ia ka saiñ pyrkhat jong ka halor kiwei pat. Lyngba ki por ka pyrthei ka la sakhi bad mad ia ki Syiem, ki Kaisar bad ki Patsha ba runar, ka la mad ruh ia ki nongsynshar leh jubor ne “Dictator”. Wat mynta ruh ha ka juk synshar paidbah kaba ngi dang pyrkhat ba ka dei ka aïom kaba pangad bad ba shngaiñ, phewse kam shym la long kumta. Ha kiba bun ki khep ki nongsynshar kiba la jied da ki paidbah ki tan bad kurup lut pynban ia ka bor sha lade bad ki bat ne ïasambynta ia ka bor tang hapdeng jong ki ne kata kaba ki khot mynta ka “elected autocracy”.
“…la pynbaptis ia U (Jisu) da U Ïoannis ha ka Jordan…haba u dang kiew noh na ka um, u la ïohi ba la plie ia…
My alma mater, Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) at Kharagpur, has created a condensed history of Indian knowledge systems in calendar form. Lavishly produced, it is being widely shared and praised on social media. Sadly, it brims with lies, misleading ideas, and fanciful fictions. Rather than educating to inform and delight, it seeks to inflate cultural pride by taking liberties with the truth. Let me explain.
Ngi dang shu jam shiphew (10) tylli ki sngi sha ka snem Ar Hajar Arphew Wei -Hato ngi lah mo ban khmih lynti ne ban kam kynti ia ka jingim kaba ishynraiñ bad ba donburom (dignified life) ha une u snem thymmai bad nangne shakhmat?
Tanmoy Sharma on Sanjib Baruah’s new book In the Name of the Nation: India and Its Northeast; Stanford University Press, 2020
How a ‘German’ publishing mill is ‘helping’ certain Indian academics to promote their academic careers
Ka Kitab Eksodus bad ki khana kiba don ha ka kim dei shuh kiba dang thymmai, la ïai ïathuh-ïai pynshai shynna ia ki na kawei ka por sha kawei pat bad yn sa nang ïai pule bad ïai ïathuhkhana ha ki juk ki ban sa wan. Ka Kitab Eksodus ka don ka khubor kaba khlaiῆ bad khraw ym tang ia ka jingim briew shimet, hynrei khamtam eh ia ki kynhun jaitbynriew ne ki kynhun briew kiba ïaid lyngba ka lawar ding jong ka jingshah khῆoit beiῆ. Ka kitab Eksodus ka long ka nongmuna ia ki jaitbynriew ne ki kynhun briew kiba ïeng ban ïakhun pyrshah ia ka jingthombor, jingleh shilliang bad jingleh bymhok jong kiba donbor. Kiba bun ki jaitbynriew ne ki kynhun briew ha ka pyrthei ki la pyndonkam ia ka khubor bad ki khana jong ka kitab Exodus na ka bynta ban ïakhun bad ïaleh ban ioh ka jinglaitluid.
Ki sngi ki iaid! mynta ngi la poi sha kaba kut jong une u snem Ar Hajar Arphew. Une u snem u la pynlynga bad pynsheptieng shi katdei ia ka jingim namar ka jingpang khlam Covid19 kaba la pynjulor ia ka kamai kajih bad ia ka jingim. Hapdeng ka jingjulor, ki aiom ki leit bad ki aiom ki wan, kumjuh ruh u snem u leit bad u snem u wan. Ha une u snem ki la don shibun na ki ba ieit ba thoiῆ bad ki paralok kiba la nang leit noh sha ka jingjah thait ba junom. Ngi kynmaw ieit ia ki bad duwai na ka bynta kito kiba la duhnoh ia la ki jong.
“Miet ba khuid! Miet ba jar jar!
Dum ka phet, ka shai phar;”
Sa shisien pat ka aiom Khristmas ka la poi bad ka snem Ar Hajar Arphew ka long ka Khristmas ka ban sah jingkynmaw. Kumba khyndai bnai mynshuwa kyndit kynsan ka khlam jingpang Covid19 ka la lynsher ia ka pyrthei baroh kawei bad da ki million ngut ki briew ki la duh ei ia ka jingim. Ka jingduh kam dei tang ka jingïap jong ki briew, hynrei ka jingduh ka long ruh ia kiba dang im. Ka ïaid ka ïeng, ka trei ka ktah bad ka kamai kajih ka la sangeh tden shipor bad ka jingktah na ka jingkhang dam ka dang pur haduh mynta. Ka jingktah kam long tang mynta, hynrei ki phew snem ki ban sa wan ruh kin long ki por kiba eh bad shitom. Ka ioh ka kot bad ka kamai kajih ka la julor bad ka jingim kam thikna shuh.
Ka Khatphra tarik u Nohprah Ar Hajar Arphew ka dei ka lyngkhuh sngi ïap kaba phra phew jong u babu Soso Tham. Ngi kynmaw burom bad ῆiewkor ia u synῆiang ba une u riewkhraw u la noh. Ha ka jingpynshai halor ka kot Ki Sngi Ba Rim U Hynῆiewtrep, u babu Soso Tham u kynthoh kumne,
“…sa tang katno, ia ngi kiba tang shi troh, lada ngim kyndit bynriew kan sa tyllep ka umsaw bad ngin sa long nong-Gibeon ban thoh dieng bad tong um iano re…”
Shi taiew mynshuwa ngi la ioh ia ka Baibl Sunday bad lada dang don ei ei ban bynrap ka long ba ka Baibl ka dei ruh ka kotbah kaba kren shaphang ka jingim hangne ha pyrthei. Ka kren shaphang kiei kiei kiba ngi lah ban iohi bad ban tba, wat la ki don ki khep ba ka kren sha ngi ha ki dur pharshi.
Ha kane ka Baibl Sunday ki kyntien jingkyrmen ki long aiu ka Baibl Ka Kren. Ka Baibl ka dei ka kotbah bad ka kot bakhuid kaba wat ki bym ngeit khristan ruh ki sngewtynnad ban pule ia ka. Lehse don kiba pyrkhat ba ka Baibl kam don khubor shuh bad kam don ei ei shuh ban hikai. Kajuh shi kajuh ki briew ki la pule ia ka mynta la palat hajar snem bad lehse ka la rngat ki pasoh bad jor jinghikai. Hynrei ka Baibl ka don ki kyntien kiba im bad kiba ai jingkyrmen, bad ki briew na ka pateng sha ka pateng ki Ïai pynlong ia ka Baibl ba kan kren.
Throughout his school and college days Meghnad Saha had often to suffer untouchability and this continued even after he became a teacher and researcher. He had a particularly tough time in Allahabad because of the greater casteism that prevailed there as compared to Bengal. So unlike other Indian scientists he did not remain content to do scientific research only but drawing from his own difficult experience of school and college, began working to popularise teaching and research in science. He said that given the very low level of education right from schools to colleges, India had a very poor scientific base and human power and this could be rectified only by universalising state sponsored free quality education. He believed that the problems of social and economic oppression and the medieval mindset from which they emanated could be eradicated by the spread of science education at all levels even more than by social and political mobilisation. He also believed that modern industrial development would be necessary for removing poverty but cautioned against a total discard of the traditional methods of agriculture and rural cottage industry. To this end he founded The National Institute of Science in 1935 and began publishing the journal “Science and Culture” to propagate his views.
Ïathuh ia nga
Katno ka bai khaw bai doh?
Ka tlang shuti bai skul shuwa ngin klet noh.
Deliriously successful when first released way back in 1996, Lucky Ali’s O Sanam, once again sparked interest when a video-blogger by the name of Saad Khan recently released a video of Lucky Ali singing the song. Within a couple of days Saad Khan’s video went viral and raked in a huge amount of nostalgia for the India of the nineties. Lost in this surge of emotion was the fact that the Lucky Ali we saw in the video was far from the Lucky Ali we first saw in the mid-nineties. The man in Saad Khan’s blog video was older, with a face marked by the passage of time and more importantly marked by a beard and a skull cap, which seemed to suggest that he was a pious Muslim. The fact that this markedly Muslim accoutrement went unremarked upon in a time of general hostility to Muslims in India is surprising. But this silence could also imply apathy, which is a shame since this image does have a message for contemporary India even as the country bathes in the nostalgia for the nineties.
Saw phew sngi ha ri khlaw u Jisu u shem ba ka jingim ba kynja doh kam dei tang ma ka bynta jong ka longbriew manbriew bad ka longiing longsem. Ha ka juh ka por ka spah kam dei tang ma ka, ka nongrim ban pynieng ia ka imlang sahlang bad ia ka iit ka hima. Hato ngin pynshong nongrim ia ka jingim, ia ka iit ka hima bad ia ka imlang sahlang tang ha ka spah? ne tang ha u kpu? ne ngin pynshong nongrim ruh ia ka jingim, ia ka iit hima bad ka imlang sahlang ha “ka ktien baroh kaba mih noh na ka shyntur u Blei” . Ka jingshngain jong ka Ri kam shong tang ha ki tup ki man, ki tiar thma bad ki bor shipai. Ka roi ka par jong ka Ri kam mut tang ki “shopping mall” ne ki kali “Audi” ne “Rubicon” ne ki kamra ophis kiba siang da ki maw marbel bad ki dieng sal kiba phyrnai bad ba remdor. Hynrei ka roi ka par ka dei ka jingim kaba suk, ba tngen bad ka dei ka jingkoit jingkhiah jong baroh ki nongshong shnong. Ka dei ka jingim kaba ki khun ki kti ki ioh ban shong skul, ban nang ban stad bad ki samla ki ioh ka kamai kajih ba biang. Ka roi ka par ka dei ka jingsei soh ka rep ka riang bad ka dei ruh ka synshar hok bad ka bishar hok.